Graduation: Not Suitably Dressed Parents Excluded

The usual public high school graduation ceremony controversies involve the graduates: must the graduate wear a robe? are the robes gender-segregated?  must the robes not be adorned with cultural, religious, or other insignia?

But reportedly, a public high school in Virginia excluded a graduate’s parents for not conforming to the graduation dress code because they were  wearing “jeans and tennis shoes.”

Steve Jobs, wearing his trademark jeans and tennis shoes (and black turtleneck)

Steve Jobs, wearing his trademark jeans and tennis shoes (and black turtleneck)

Just as students have constitutional rights at graduation, so do spectators.  The parents may have a difficult time arguing that their dress was sufficiently “expressive” to meet the threshold for a First Amendment claim.  But the parents may have an easier time arguing that the dress code for spectators infringed upon a liberty interest under the due process clause of the Fourteenth Amendment.

In any case, the school principal’s argument that there was advance notice of the dress code holds little weight: the problem is not notice, but the substantive restrictions placed upon parents coming to a public school ceremony to see their child graduate.

[image of Steve Jobs via]

Mandating Boardwalk Attire is Unconstitutional

Can a municipality mandate a dress code?   The short answer is generally no, at least not a constitutional one.  Although there are certainly laws prohibiting public exposure or indecency, the government cannot stretch the concept of “indecency” to include respectable or tasteful.

The proposal to be considered by Wildwood, a coastal town in New Jersey  famous for its boardwalk, reportedly seeks to maintain its “family friendly” atmosphere by mandating shirts (seemingly on men and women) after 8pm, and prohibiting lowered waistbands – – – a fashion often known as “sagging” – – – by declaring that the waist band of shorts, swim-trunks, pants and/or skirts shall not be worn more than 3 inches below the wearer’s waist – interpreted to mean at a level below the crest of the ilium, so as to expose either skin or garment underneath – at any time.

800px-Wildwood_boardwalk_Family_Fun_Night_parade_at_Wildwood_AvenueA similar ordinance from Riviera Beach, Florida, passed by voter referendum, was quickly found unconstitutional by a judge as violating the constitutional liberty interests of those wearing the fashion.  In Flint, Michigan, a law enforcement memo instructing officers to arrest those who were “sagging” prompted a response from the ACLU and a speedy resolution.  

Requiring shirts, especially for men, is similarly unconstitutional.  In the 1980s, an ordinance from Florida’s  Palm Beach that mandated shirts was challenged by a male attorney who had been jogging topless.  In DeWeese v. Town of Palm Beach, 812 F.2d 1365 (11th Cir. 1987), a federal appellate court found that the town did not have a legitimate interest in regulating “the dress of its citizens at large,” as encompassed by its stated purposes of maintaining the quality of life and unique character of Palm Beach. Further, “prohibiting male joggers from appearing in public without a shirt” was irrational, and any justification was beyond the court’s “imagination.” 

Such findings of unconstitutionality are not new.  In a 1937 case, People v. O’Gorman, 274 N.Y. 284, 8 N.E.2d 862 (1937),  New York’s highest court struck down a Yonkers ordinance that prohibited any person over the age of 16 from appearing in public “in a bathing costume” or “in other than customary street attire.”   The defendants included a woman who wore “white sandals, no stockings, yellow short pants and a colored halter, with a yellow jacket over it and no hat”  and a man who “had on white sneakers, white anklets, short socks, yellow trunks, short pants, a blue polo shirt, brown and white belt, no hat.”  Maybe they looked “foolish” to their contemporaries, but as the court declared, the “Constitution still leaves some opportunity for people to be foolish if they so desire.”  

What we wear on public streets – – – including boardwalks – – – cannot be legislated unless it crosses the line of exposure of traditional “private parts” such as the genitals, or in most cases, women’s breasts.  A boardwalk is not a school or even a privately owned restaurant, places in which more leeway is allowed, although there are still constraints.  Otherwise, state laws could mandate everyone wear green headbands on Thursdays or Congress might even be able to proclaim seersucker Thursdays in the summer.   The boardwalk will just have to remain a dress-code free zone.

Sociopathic Flip-Flops

How do sociopaths dress?  Inappropriately?

That’s the implicit argument in a pseudonymous article by M.E. Thomas published in Psychology Today, “Confessions of a Sociopath,” adapted from her book by the same name.

To be sure, Thomas also implicitly argues that sociopaths make the best attorneys – – – and law professors – – – but dressing the part is not as easy as it might seem.  Thomas writes that when she at a law firm, supervised by a senior associated named “Jane,” Thomas exploited Jane’s insecurities.  Appropriating the usual “dress for success” model, Jane is described as putting “much effort into dressing appropriately,” although M.E. Thomas also describes Jane’s “pale skin mottled with age, poor diet, and middling hygiene”  as “evidence of a lifetime spent outside the social elite.”

Thomas contrasts herself: “I wore flip-flops and T-shirts at every semi-reasonable opportunity.”

800px-Woman_wearing_red_flip_flops

Readers are to believe, it seems, that Thomas’s failure to dress for success is yet another manifestation of her manipulative and sociopathic personality.

Yet we should be wary of generalizing personality defects or even traits from preferences in attire.  Employers have long penalized workers, especially women, for their failures to “dress professionally” and have ascribed pathologies to employees’ failure to conform.  Flip-flops, even at a “semi-reasonable opportunity,” may not mean anything at all.

[image via]

The Book

Screen-Shot-2013-05-10-at-8.58.40-PM1.png

The intertwining of our clothes and our Constitution raise fundamental questions of hierarchy, sexuality, and democracy. From our hairstyles to our shoes, constitutional considerations both constrain and confirm our daily choices. In turn, our attire and appearance provide multilayered perspectives on the United States Constitution and its interpretations. Our garments often raise First Amendment issues of expression or religion, but they also prompt questions of equality on the basis of gender, race, and sexuality. At work, in court, in schools, in prisons, and on the streets, our clothes and grooming provoke constitutional controversies. Additionally, the production, trade, and consumption of apparel implicate constitutional concerns including colonial sumptuary laws, slavery, wage and hour laws, and current notions of free trade. The regulation of what we wear – or don’t – is ubiquitous. From a noted constitutional scholar and commentator, this book examines the rights to expression and equality, as well as the restraints on government power, as they both limit and allow control of our most personal choices of attire and grooming.

See the Table of Contents and Read the Introduction here

US BOOK LAUNCH/PRESENTATION at CUNY LAW September 19, 2013
CANADA Book Launch/Presentation at Osgoode Hall September 23, 2013
UK Book Launch/Presentation: November 26, 2013

Listen to a 5 minute interview with Jacki Lyden aired on NPR’s ALL THINGS CONSIDERED here;  a 12 minute interview with Mocrieff aired on NewsTalk IRISH radio here (starts at 35:00); a 60 minute interview on NPR’s The Diane Rehm Show here; a 20 minute interview with Brian Lehrer of WNYC  here;  a 15 minute interview on LA’s KPCC  “AirTalk” with Larry Mantle on school dress codes here;  a 60 minute discussion on Wisconsin Public Radio’s The Joy Cardin Show here;  a 15 minute discussion with Margaret Ramirez on CUNY’s “Book Beat” here.

Read an interview with Carrie Murphy on the fashion site Refinery29 here; an interview on UK’s LawBore here; a BBC article on the book here; a review by Dean and Professor Kim Brooks in Jotwell here.

 

BUY THE BOOK
at your local independent bookstore,
direct from Cambridge University Press (PB US $32.99),
or as an e-book (Kindle app) (US less than $15)

From the UK: Virgin Trains Dress Code

The UK Guardian has the full story  ((h/t Sonia Lawrence), discussing

reports that Virgin Trains’ female staff have rejected their new uniform as it includes a “flimsy” and “revealing” red blouse that they believe would allow passengers to see any dark coloured underwear.

It also reports on the “solution”:

The firm’s business support director, Andy Cross, has reportedly responded to the concerns, writing on the Virgin staff website: “It’s important that our people feel comfortable and so we will be issuing vouchers in the next few days for ladies to buy undergarments to wear under their blouses.” Apparently the vouchers are to the value of £20 and the implementation of the new uniforms has been put back.

As the story says, employment dress codes are nothing new. 

Woman in Maid's Uniform circa 1884

Woman in Maid’s Uniform circa 1884

 

 

Chapter 4 of Dressing Constitutionally is entitled “Dressing Professionally.” 

Students Wearing Pro-Gun Shirts to School: The First Amendment Implications

Screen Shot 2013-04-27 at 7.49.16 PMCan a student wear a pro-gun shirt to school?   The preliminary issue is the school’s dress code and whether or not such a shirt would be a violation.  This may not have a simple answer.

In the recent controversy surrounding Jared Marcum, an eighth grader in Logan, West Virginia, was  reportedly  suspended and arrested for wearing a t-shirt portraying an assault rifle with the slogan “NRA Protect Your Right.”  More recently an attorney for Logan County Schools reportedly said that “the T-shirt did not violate the school’s rules,” and that “Marcum was not suspended for his t-shirt, but confidentially prohibited him from saying anything more.”

And in another situation, in Connecticut, 18-year-old high school student Matt Zingarella wore a shirt portraying an assault weapon with the slogan “I Plead the 2nd.” As reported, he also argued that he had “read the handbook, there was nothing against it.”

Both students, like most people, quickly articulated a First Amendment rationale for their dress.  Marcum reportedly initially explained to police that he would not sit down and be quiet, stating “No, I’m exercising my right to free speech” and has since become a media advocate, saying  “What they’re doing is trying to take away my rights, my freedom of speech and my second amendment.”  Similarly, Zingarella argued  he was “expressing [his] beliefs through the shirt.”

The watershed case of Tinker v. Des Moines Independent Community School District involved the wearing of black armbands by school students in protest of the Vietnam War. Decided by the United States Supreme Court in 1969, Tinker established the substantial and material disruption standard for evaluating school speech. While the Court actually uses the word “interfere” more often than “disrupt,” and uses the terms synonymously, what has become known as the Tinker disruption standard requires that in order to curtail student speech, school authorities must show that the student speech would materially and substantially interfere with appropriate school discipline.  In Tinker itself, the Court noted that “the record does not demonstrate any facts which might reasonably have led school authorities to forecast substantial disruption of or material interference with school activities” because a few students wore black armbands.

Yet the Court in Tinker also noted that the black armbands did not implicate the “rights of other students to be secure and to be let alone,” thus suggesting this should be a factor.  Additionally,  Tinker found it “relevant” that the school did not prohibit the wearing of all symbols of political or controversial significance, and had allowed the wearing of “buttons relating to national political campaigns,” and even “the Iron Cross, traditionally a symbol of Nazism,” thus raising the specter of viewpoint discrimination.

Thus, the “substantial disruption” standard is only part of the relevant doctrine.  The “rights of others” consideration  should also factor into any decision.  In cases about Confederate flag t-shirts and other clothing, courts have looked at incidents of racial violence in the schools.  In the case of gun-rights t-shirts, the question of previous gun violence in the school and perhaps in the community, might also be relevant. Wearing a pro-gun t-shirt in Connecticut – – – home of the December Newtown massacre of 20 first graders and 6 teachers in a school – – – should be viewed as infringing on the rights of others who might have been personally affected and may still be reeling from the violence.

Further, what the school dress code actually provides is exceedingly relevant for First Amendment purposes.  Perhaps ironically, a code that prohibited all political messages or all images on t-shirts or all images of guns, violence, and drugs, would probably be most likely to survive a First Amendment challenge. 

As for Jared Marcum, he has presented a straightforward narrative that he was immediately disciplined merely for wearing a pro-NRA shirt.  The school board attorney suggested that it may not be so simple.  What if Jared himself has a history of violence at the school?  Or what if Jared made threats involving firearms?   After the Columbine High School massacre in 1999, schools began looking more closely at students’ violent propensities despite students’ First Amendment rights.  The threat of a very substantial disruption – – – another school shooting – – – is one that the school officials are not going to take lightly.

[image via]

No Seersucker Suits in Missouri

Missouri State Senator Ryan McKenna proposed that seersucker suits be prohibited garb for anyone over the age of 8.  His amendment was to SB437 seeking to modify the way the state funds public institutions of higher education by creating a new model for calculating institutions’ state funding.

Reportedly, while the senator’s amendment was in “jest,” it was a response to a trend among Missouri legislators wearing seersucker suits.

The United States Congress has its own tradition of “Seersucker Thursday,” adopting the Southern style lightweight-weight fabric as summer begins in June.

Seersucker_Thursday_2006

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

[image: Seersucker Thursday in Senate,2006, via]