Update on the San Francisco Anti-Nudity Ordinance

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World Naked Bike Ride, San Francisco, 2011

Recall that as we discussed earlier this year, San Francisco (SF) Ordinance 120984 banning public nudity was the subject of a constitutional challenge filed  in federal court before it was even officially adopted.

That challenge was not successful.  In January, the federal district judge issued an order and opinion rejecting the equal protection and First Amendment claims that the statute was facially unconstitutional, although he left open the possibility of an as-applied challenge.  An as-applied challenge may be more likely than not, as the ordinance contains a permitted parade, fair, or festival exemption that may be a springboard for a challenge.  (The ordinance also has an exemption for persons under 5 years old).

The judge’s relatively brief 19 page opinion trod familiar legal ground, finding nudists were not a protected class, that nudity per se is not “inherently expressive,” and that the nudists did not make an argument that the ordinance was not rational.

As Joe Eskenazi writes for SF Weekly, despite the claim of SF’s “urban nudists” to special status because SF had not previously banned nudity, this claim has more political than constitutional traction.  The situation on New York’s Fire Island we previously discussed is an apt comparison.  Another recent nudity debate is occurring in Dallas.  And Chapter 2 of Dressing Constitutionally considers various prosecutions for “indecent exposure” and the gendered nature of that designation, as well as the possibility of nudists as a protected class.

Eskenazi also writes that it seems that the plaintiffs can no longer afford to litigate.  (Indeed, the docket shows the attorney has withdrawn).

Yet while there may not be federal constitutional relief, there may be state constitutional or statutory claims.  Failing that, there is always the SF Board of Supervisors: they can easily repeal or amend the ordinance. 

Dallas Pride Parade Dress Code Enforcement Draws Debate

Cheering_(9178105985)Controversy ensued after organizers of the 30th Annual Alan Ross Texas Freedom Parade (“Dallas Pride”) announced a new effort to enforce state and city public nudity and lewdness laws at the parade. As reported, Michael Doughman, executive director of the Dallas Tavern Guild, organizers of the parade, said, “Just because it’s a day of celebration for our community doesn’t mean we are exempt from the law.” Doughman also reportedly said, referring to Dallas police, “[T]hey’ve looked the other way for years and years and years, but public lewdness and nudity in public [are] not going to continue to be tolerated.”

Dallas police officer and parade security co-commander Jeremy Liebbe reportedly described the effort as a “preventative measure” to address a “trend” in recent years of ignoring laws that had already been in place, but were apparently not rigorously enforced. As Liebbe explained, officers would review and warn marchers in the staging area prior to the parade, and those who had not complied before reaching the parade itself would be “removed from the parade and individuals may be charged with class-B misdemeanor indecent exposure.” If such indecent exposure were to occur in front of a child during the parade route, individuals may have committed felony indecency with a child, a third degree felony. See sections 21.08 and 21.11(a)(2)(A) of the Texas Penal Code. 

400px-Thai_Sunnyboy-Christopher_Street_Day-Berlin_2006While parade organizers and police have presented the new enforcement protocol as “preventative,” critics have charged that, in the words of activist Daniel Cates, “[the] ‘queer’ is effectively being erased from our pride celebration in favor of the most polished, heteronormative representation of our community possible.” According to this view, “family values” and corporate sponsorship have co-opted the meaning of the pride parade, covering its roots in sexual liberation with marriage equality, military service, and dress code enforcement. 

Controversy aside, Dallas Pride occurred with no reported dress code infringements and a large increase in attendance over the 2012 parade. Meanwhile, a man arrested at the 2011 San Diego pride parade has filed a complaint in the United States District Court for the Southern District of California against the City of San Diego, San Diego police officers, and San Diego Pride. He alleges, amongst other causes of action, violation of his 14th Amendment right to equal protection of the laws because of unequal and discriminatory enforcement. His issue? Walters was arrested for public nudity at the parade because of his outfit.

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D.C. Health Department Attempts to Curb Spontaneous Tattoos

The Washington D.C. Health Department has proposed regulations that mandate a 24-hour waiting period for anyone seeking a tattoo.

Recently released, the 66-pages of draft regulations “ensure that no tattoo artist applies any tattoo to a customer until after twenty-four (24) hours have passed since the customer first requested the tattoo.” It additionally bars businesses from accepting deposits for future work.

Florence_Tattoo_Convention_(5158666726)Several business owners have expressed serious concern over the proposed regulations. One tattoo shop owner told reporters that the provisions are an “attempt to put us out of business.” Another stated that “the art of tattooing is protected under the First Amendment … and constraints on customers’ freedom to decide how and when to exercise that right could be constitutionally suspect.”

A spokesperson for the Health Department commented to the press that the regulations are intended to protect the public from “serious health risks.” She added, “We’re making sure when that decision is made that you’re in the right frame of mind, and you don’t wake up in the morning … saying, ‘Oh my God, what happened?’”

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UK Judge Rules Defendant Must Remove Niqab to Testify

The specter of a person testifying with her face obscured by a religious covering has reached a lower court in the UK, with Judge Peter Murphy rendering his 36 page opinion in Queen v. D (R). 

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Photo of “D” from BBC

On this side of the Atlantic, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled earlier this year in R. v. N.S. that the decision whether or not to allow the witness to wear her niqab was one that should largely be left to the trial judge, weighing various factors that supply guidance.  Importantly (especially for dissenting Justice Abella), N.S. involved a sexual assault prosecution by the young woman wearing the niqab in which the defendants were members of her own family.   Although Judge Murphy relies upon N.S., he also distinguishes it. 

In the U.K. case, D is the defendant, on trial for “a single count of witness intimidation,” and there is no issue of identification.  Judge Murphy makes clear that his judgment focuses upon D’s role as a defendant in a Crown prosecution.  He acknowledges that D possesses religious rights:

The defendant has the qualified right to manifest her religion or belief pursuant to art. 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (‘the Convention’). By virtue of the Human Rights Act 1998, that right is cognisable as a matter of domestic law in the Crown Court. By virtue of s.6(1) and (3) of that Act, the Court is a public authority and may not act in a way incompatible with a Convention right. At the same time, the Court may be entitled to place restrictions on a qualified Convention right, such as that under art. 9.

The judge accorded sincerity to D’s belief, but did devote some discussion on whether or not the belief was mandated, and he also discusses the “positive benefits” of the niqab and views it as consistent with participation in a democratic society.  As to D’s defendant status, the judge opined that fairness as to her was not the only – – – or perhaps even primary – – – consideration: the victims, the members of the jury, and public at large are also important.

But like the Supreme Court of Canada suggested in N.S. for the trial judge on remand, essentially Judge Murphy balances the equities.  For Judge Murphy,  D has choices: how to dress and whether to give evidence. Indeed, Murphy considers dress untethered to religion.  In paragraph 73 he writes:

It is rare for the defendant’s manner of dress to be an issue in the conduct of judicial business. Today, the Courts are rightly tolerant of informality or diversity of dress on the part of defendants, witnesses, and jurors. But a defendant’s dress may become an issue. For example, the defendant’s choice of dress may invoke the rules of bad character evidence if, unless corrected, it would give the jury a false impression, for example if the defendant appears at court wearing a clerical collar or military uniform: see Criminal Justice Act 2003, s.101(1)(f). If a defendant were to appear wearing a t-shirt with an obscene, racist, or offensive logo, it cannot be doubted that the Court would be entitled to take steps to protect the dignity of the proceedings. And it the defendant’s dress interferes to an unacceptable degree with the Court’s ability to conduct a trial which is fair to all parties, the Court may similarly have to take action to ensure that the trial can proceed in the manner prescribed by law, and is fair to all parties.

Given the “choice” as to dress, the other choice regarding the giving of evidence (testimony) constitutes the other side of Judge Murphy’s equation.  He rules that should she chose to give evidence, then she must not be wearing the niqab, although she “may give evidence from behind a screen shielding her from public view, but not from the view of the judge, the jury, and counsel; or by mean of a live TV link.”  The judge further ordered that there be no sketching or drawing of D (filming is already prohibited).

For those in the US, it is only a matter of time before this issue will be presented before courts as squarely as in the UK’s Queen v. D and Canada’s R. v. N.S.   To date, there have been several courts that have considered the issue of a veiled witness, including a small claims judge resulting in a reconsideration of the evidentiary rules as is discussed in Chapter 6 of Dressing Constitutionally.  If American jurists look to their colleagues outside The States, these are both important and well-reasoned decisions, even if one disagrees with their conclusions.  More about the case is on Constitutional Law Professors Blog here.

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Tinker’s Black Armbands

So much has flowed from that small piece of cloth adorned with a peace symbol that Mary Beth Tinker and her brother wore to school in 1968:

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Now, Mary Beth Tinker is “on tour” to encourage today’s students to exercise their First Amendment rights, including presumably, the right to wear expressive clothing to school.   More on ConLawProfBlog here.

“Pants-Only” Policy Upheld Against Free Exercise Claim in Retaliatory Termination Case

Can a public employer require a woman to wear pants, even against her religious beliefs?  In its brief opinion in Finnie v. Lee County, Mississippi, a panel of the Fifth Circuit left that question unanswered given the particular circumstances of the case.

After working for a Mississippi Sheriff’s Department for years, Ms. Crystal Finnie converted to the Pentecostal religion, which she told the court, meant she could no longer wear “‘clothing pertaining to a man’s garments,’ such as pants.” But her employer, the Sheriff’s Department, required pants as part of the uniform and told Ms. Finnie that she would have to “wear pants or resign.”IMG_8172_Edit__07235.1364412413.1280.1280

Shortly after filing a complaint with the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) and requesting a transfer to a clerical position where she could wear a skirt and keep her job, Ms. Finnie was fired.

She then filed suit. She argued that the policy violated her First Amendment right to exercise her religion, “constituted unlawful gender and religious discrimination under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and amounted to unlawful retaliation under Title VII.”

But the underlying question was whether Ms. Finnie was terminated as retaliation, and the Fifth Circuit panel held that she did not meet the burden to show she would not have been terminated “but for” her EEOC complaint.  Yet the opinion does not clarify whether her dismissal based upon her religious objection to the dress code would have been actionable.

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Ada Calhoun on the People Involved in Dressing Controversies

clothes racksIn her article, “Fashion police are no joke in some cities and schools,” over at Al Jazeera America, journalist Ada Calhoun explores the stories and people behind three controversies: sagging pants, Borgata “babes,” and students’ “I Heart Boobies” breast cancer awareness bracelets.

Ada Calhoun knows her clothes: She’s the co-author of the bestselling Tim Gunn’s Fashion Bible.  But she also knows that attire provokes strong responses from people.

Want to know what the major of Wildwood thinks about the ban on saggy pants?  Or what rapper The Game thinks?  Want to know what the attorney representing the cocktail servers at the Borgata casino thinks should be qualifications for the job rather than “dominatrix outfit” (hint: not spilling drinks might be important)?  Want to hear from the students who pressed for the right to wear the breast cancer awareness bracelets to school?

Take a look at Calhoun’s excellent reporting.

Fascist Fashion: Hugo Boss and the Nazis

The presentation by comedian Russell Brand at the GQ Awards in London (at which he was receiving the “Oracle Award”) has been making waves for his statements about designer Hugo Boss: “if any of you know a little bit about history and fashion, you’ll know Hugo Boss made the uniforms for the Nazis.”  Adding that the Nazis “did look f*’ing fantastic, lets face it, while they were killing people on the basis of their religion and sexuality.”

Video below:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uZROOmWpxSk

Brand’s comments are supported by the historical record, largely based on a study and resultant book (available only in German) which the company funded.  An abridged version in English of the study of the history of Hugo Boss is available through the company itself, including its use of “forced labor,” a practice for which it apologized.  A 2011 BBC article has an especially good discussion of the apology,  book, and controversies.

Forced labor in garment factories did not end with World War II, however, and perhaps Brand could have made links to current conditions such as the 2013 Bangladesh factory fire and the possibility of requiring labels to certify clothes are “sweat-free.”

But Brand has made other links, arguing in a column in The Guardian that:

The jokes about Hugo Boss were not intended to herald a campaign to destroy them, they’re not Monsanto or Halliburton, the contemporary corporate allies of modern-day fascism; they are, I thought, an irrelevant menswear supplier with a double-dodgy history. The evening though provided an interesting opportunity to see how power structures preserve their agenda, even in a chintzy microcosm.

He then goes on to ask questions about politicians, political influence of corporations, surveillance, fracking, and the meaning of “glamour and glitz.”

From Quebec: Dos and Don’ts of Religious Dress for Public Employees

As Canada’s Globe and Mail reports, “Quebec’s minority government has laid out a plan to crack down on religious accommodation in the province.”  The  article by Les Perreaux and Ingrid Peritz continues that the ban “forbids public servants, with some exceptions, from wearing the Sikh turban, the Muslim hijab, the Jewish kippa or a large Christian crucifix.”

While not yet law, the  article includes an image released by the Quebec government with “dos and don’ts”:

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The Quebec Government site with images is here.

Again, the policy is in the proposal stage.   The overall notion seems to be that ostentatious religious symbols are disallowed while un-ostentatious religious symbols are allowed.  Of course, the value judgment of “ostentatious” depends upon cultural conditions and “norms” (as I further argue in Dressing Constitutionally).

Moreover, the problem of measuring even seemingly objective qualities such as size is a fraught one.   The reporters quote the head of a teachers’ union as stating:

The rules about religious attire will impose a burden on school principals. He said they evoke the days when principals went around measuring the length of students’ skirts to ensure they met school rules.

“They will have to make sure: Are these earrings too big? Is that ring too big? This is wasted energy.”

(H/T Sonia Lawrence)

Florida Schools Ban Their Own Cheerleader Uniforms

At the end of last month, public schools in Pinellas County, Florida banned their own cheerleader uniforms in classrooms because the uniforms violate the schools’ new dress codes.

Screen Shot 2013-09-06 at 12.45.44 PMAs reported, the ban is part of a “broader crackdown” to enforce the dress code and administrators will no longer turn a “blind eye” towards the fact that the cheerleaders’ uniform, typically worn to class on game days, violates the dress code.

Questioning why the uniforms are “suddenly too vulgar,” many cheerleaders and their supporters have reacted strongly to the switch from short skirts to track pants. They question why too much teenage thigh and academics don’t mix for the school year of 2013, despite the uniform being classroom appropriate for years.

But the administration has been staunch in their position, with one principal telling reporters that, though the skirts may be appropriate during the game, “a school has another purpose, and that’s academics.” The pushers of the policy also say the ban promotes egalitarian skirt length among cheerleaders and non-cheerleaders.

For now, one school in the district found an obvious compromise: longer cheerleader skirts.

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