Sikh Man’s Ordeal in Mississippi

According to the ACLU, a Sikh man was targeted for his religious attire by both law enforcement and a judge.

In the first part of his ordeal,  Jageet Singh was allegedly harassed for his turban and his kirpan by employees of the Mississippi Department of Transportation.   We’ve previously discussed the wearing of small ceremonial knife of the kirpan as a First Amendment free exercise of religion issue. Yet according to the ACLU report, the kirpan was not the sole issue: “One officer declared that all Sikhs are “depraved” and “terrorists.” They continued to taunt him, and forced Mr. Singh to circle his truck with his hands on his turban while they searched the vehicle.”

The officers’ arrest of Singh for failure to obey an order, however, allegedly led to an even more egregious experience when Singh appeared for his court date at Pike County Justice Court in Mississippi:

Waiting for his attorney in the back of the courtroom, he was stunned when four Highway Patrol officers approached him and ordered him to leave the courtroom. The officers stated that Judge Aubrey Rimes had ordered them to eject Mr. Singh from the courtroom because he did not like Mr. Singh’s turban. Moreover, they told Mr. Singh that Judge Rimes would punish him if he failed to remove his headdress.

The judge subsequently allegedly told Singh’s attorney that Singh needed to remove the “rag” from his head.  Again, according to the ACLU,

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“Portrait of a Man,” 1730

The Pike County Board of Supervisors recently recognized that Judge Rimes’s harassment of Mr. Singh was unacceptable. In response to an investigation by the U.S. Department of Justice (DOJ), the Board revised the County’s harassment and non-discrimination policy to explain that religious discrimination includes “requiring an individual to remove a head covering or denying that individual access to a County office, building, program or activity because they are wearing a head covering, if that head covering is worn for religious reasons.”

However, the ACLU stated it plans to pursue the matter with the state judicial commission. 

The judge’s actions bring to mind the famous “transcript” The Peoples Ancient and Just Liberties Asserted, In the Tryal of William Penn and William Mead at the Old Bailey, 22 Charles II 1670, written by themselves.  As discussed in Dressing Constitutionally, Penn and Mead – – – both Quakers – – – honored their religious beliefs and refused to remove their hats and provide the so-called “hat honor” when in an English court and were adjudged in contempt.

The alleged actions of both the law enforcement officers and the judge clearly violate Singh’s First Amendment free exercise of religion rights.  Like the alleged removal of girls’ headscarves by Bronx police officers earlier this month, there is little question of constitutional violations by government actors is the facts prove true.

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Ted Cruz and His Supreme Court Argument Boots

From a profile of Ted Cruz in GQ:

“When I was Texas solicitor general, I did every argument in these [ostrich-skin cowboy]  boots. The one court that I was not willing to wear them in was the U.S. Supreme Court, and it was because my former boss and dear friend William Rehnquist was still chief justice. He and I were very close—he was a wonderful man—but he was very much a stickler for attire.” 

It was only after Rehnquist died that Cruz felt comfortable wearing his cowboy boots in the Supreme Court—and only then because John Roberts (“a friend for many years”) blessed it. “I saw John shortly after his confirmation,” Cruz said, “and I guess I was feeling a little cheeky, because I took the opportunity to ask, ‘Mr. Chief Justice, do you have any views on the appropriateness of boots as footwear at oral argument?’ And Chief Justice Roberts chuckled and he said, ‘You know, Ted, if you’re representing the state of Texas, they’re not only appropriate, they’re required.’ “

 

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Ostrich foot

Update on the San Francisco Anti-Nudity Ordinance

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World Naked Bike Ride, San Francisco, 2011

Recall that as we discussed earlier this year, San Francisco (SF) Ordinance 120984 banning public nudity was the subject of a constitutional challenge filed  in federal court before it was even officially adopted.

That challenge was not successful.  In January, the federal district judge issued an order and opinion rejecting the equal protection and First Amendment claims that the statute was facially unconstitutional, although he left open the possibility of an as-applied challenge.  An as-applied challenge may be more likely than not, as the ordinance contains a permitted parade, fair, or festival exemption that may be a springboard for a challenge.  (The ordinance also has an exemption for persons under 5 years old).

The judge’s relatively brief 19 page opinion trod familiar legal ground, finding nudists were not a protected class, that nudity per se is not “inherently expressive,” and that the nudists did not make an argument that the ordinance was not rational.

As Joe Eskenazi writes for SF Weekly, despite the claim of SF’s “urban nudists” to special status because SF had not previously banned nudity, this claim has more political than constitutional traction.  The situation on New York’s Fire Island we previously discussed is an apt comparison.  Another recent nudity debate is occurring in Dallas.  And Chapter 2 of Dressing Constitutionally considers various prosecutions for “indecent exposure” and the gendered nature of that designation, as well as the possibility of nudists as a protected class.

Eskenazi also writes that it seems that the plaintiffs can no longer afford to litigate.  (Indeed, the docket shows the attorney has withdrawn).

Yet while there may not be federal constitutional relief, there may be state constitutional or statutory claims.  Failing that, there is always the SF Board of Supervisors: they can easily repeal or amend the ordinance. 

UK Judge Rules Defendant Must Remove Niqab to Testify

The specter of a person testifying with her face obscured by a religious covering has reached a lower court in the UK, with Judge Peter Murphy rendering his 36 page opinion in Queen v. D (R). 

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Photo of “D” from BBC

On this side of the Atlantic, the Supreme Court of Canada ruled earlier this year in R. v. N.S. that the decision whether or not to allow the witness to wear her niqab was one that should largely be left to the trial judge, weighing various factors that supply guidance.  Importantly (especially for dissenting Justice Abella), N.S. involved a sexual assault prosecution by the young woman wearing the niqab in which the defendants were members of her own family.   Although Judge Murphy relies upon N.S., he also distinguishes it. 

In the U.K. case, D is the defendant, on trial for “a single count of witness intimidation,” and there is no issue of identification.  Judge Murphy makes clear that his judgment focuses upon D’s role as a defendant in a Crown prosecution.  He acknowledges that D possesses religious rights:

The defendant has the qualified right to manifest her religion or belief pursuant to art. 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (‘the Convention’). By virtue of the Human Rights Act 1998, that right is cognisable as a matter of domestic law in the Crown Court. By virtue of s.6(1) and (3) of that Act, the Court is a public authority and may not act in a way incompatible with a Convention right. At the same time, the Court may be entitled to place restrictions on a qualified Convention right, such as that under art. 9.

The judge accorded sincerity to D’s belief, but did devote some discussion on whether or not the belief was mandated, and he also discusses the “positive benefits” of the niqab and views it as consistent with participation in a democratic society.  As to D’s defendant status, the judge opined that fairness as to her was not the only – – – or perhaps even primary – – – consideration: the victims, the members of the jury, and public at large are also important.

But like the Supreme Court of Canada suggested in N.S. for the trial judge on remand, essentially Judge Murphy balances the equities.  For Judge Murphy,  D has choices: how to dress and whether to give evidence. Indeed, Murphy considers dress untethered to religion.  In paragraph 73 he writes:

It is rare for the defendant’s manner of dress to be an issue in the conduct of judicial business. Today, the Courts are rightly tolerant of informality or diversity of dress on the part of defendants, witnesses, and jurors. But a defendant’s dress may become an issue. For example, the defendant’s choice of dress may invoke the rules of bad character evidence if, unless corrected, it would give the jury a false impression, for example if the defendant appears at court wearing a clerical collar or military uniform: see Criminal Justice Act 2003, s.101(1)(f). If a defendant were to appear wearing a t-shirt with an obscene, racist, or offensive logo, it cannot be doubted that the Court would be entitled to take steps to protect the dignity of the proceedings. And it the defendant’s dress interferes to an unacceptable degree with the Court’s ability to conduct a trial which is fair to all parties, the Court may similarly have to take action to ensure that the trial can proceed in the manner prescribed by law, and is fair to all parties.

Given the “choice” as to dress, the other choice regarding the giving of evidence (testimony) constitutes the other side of Judge Murphy’s equation.  He rules that should she chose to give evidence, then she must not be wearing the niqab, although she “may give evidence from behind a screen shielding her from public view, but not from the view of the judge, the jury, and counsel; or by mean of a live TV link.”  The judge further ordered that there be no sketching or drawing of D (filming is already prohibited).

For those in the US, it is only a matter of time before this issue will be presented before courts as squarely as in the UK’s Queen v. D and Canada’s R. v. N.S.   To date, there have been several courts that have considered the issue of a veiled witness, including a small claims judge resulting in a reconsideration of the evidentiary rules as is discussed in Chapter 6 of Dressing Constitutionally.  If American jurists look to their colleagues outside The States, these are both important and well-reasoned decisions, even if one disagrees with their conclusions.  More about the case is on Constitutional Law Professors Blog here.

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Tinker’s Black Armbands

So much has flowed from that small piece of cloth adorned with a peace symbol that Mary Beth Tinker and her brother wore to school in 1968:

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Now, Mary Beth Tinker is “on tour” to encourage today’s students to exercise their First Amendment rights, including presumably, the right to wear expressive clothing to school.   More on ConLawProfBlog here.

Ada Calhoun on the People Involved in Dressing Controversies

clothes racksIn her article, “Fashion police are no joke in some cities and schools,” over at Al Jazeera America, journalist Ada Calhoun explores the stories and people behind three controversies: sagging pants, Borgata “babes,” and students’ “I Heart Boobies” breast cancer awareness bracelets.

Ada Calhoun knows her clothes: She’s the co-author of the bestselling Tim Gunn’s Fashion Bible.  But she also knows that attire provokes strong responses from people.

Want to know what the major of Wildwood thinks about the ban on saggy pants?  Or what rapper The Game thinks?  Want to know what the attorney representing the cocktail servers at the Borgata casino thinks should be qualifications for the job rather than “dominatrix outfit” (hint: not spilling drinks might be important)?  Want to hear from the students who pressed for the right to wear the breast cancer awareness bracelets to school?

Take a look at Calhoun’s excellent reporting.

Fascist Fashion: Hugo Boss and the Nazis

The presentation by comedian Russell Brand at the GQ Awards in London (at which he was receiving the “Oracle Award”) has been making waves for his statements about designer Hugo Boss: “if any of you know a little bit about history and fashion, you’ll know Hugo Boss made the uniforms for the Nazis.”  Adding that the Nazis “did look f*’ing fantastic, lets face it, while they were killing people on the basis of their religion and sexuality.”

Video below:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uZROOmWpxSk

Brand’s comments are supported by the historical record, largely based on a study and resultant book (available only in German) which the company funded.  An abridged version in English of the study of the history of Hugo Boss is available through the company itself, including its use of “forced labor,” a practice for which it apologized.  A 2011 BBC article has an especially good discussion of the apology,  book, and controversies.

Forced labor in garment factories did not end with World War II, however, and perhaps Brand could have made links to current conditions such as the 2013 Bangladesh factory fire and the possibility of requiring labels to certify clothes are “sweat-free.”

But Brand has made other links, arguing in a column in The Guardian that:

The jokes about Hugo Boss were not intended to herald a campaign to destroy them, they’re not Monsanto or Halliburton, the contemporary corporate allies of modern-day fascism; they are, I thought, an irrelevant menswear supplier with a double-dodgy history. The evening though provided an interesting opportunity to see how power structures preserve their agenda, even in a chintzy microcosm.

He then goes on to ask questions about politicians, political influence of corporations, surveillance, fracking, and the meaning of “glamour and glitz.”

From Quebec: Dos and Don’ts of Religious Dress for Public Employees

As Canada’s Globe and Mail reports, “Quebec’s minority government has laid out a plan to crack down on religious accommodation in the province.”  The  article by Les Perreaux and Ingrid Peritz continues that the ban “forbids public servants, with some exceptions, from wearing the Sikh turban, the Muslim hijab, the Jewish kippa or a large Christian crucifix.”

While not yet law, the  article includes an image released by the Quebec government with “dos and don’ts”:

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The Quebec Government site with images is here.

Again, the policy is in the proposal stage.   The overall notion seems to be that ostentatious religious symbols are disallowed while un-ostentatious religious symbols are allowed.  Of course, the value judgment of “ostentatious” depends upon cultural conditions and “norms” (as I further argue in Dressing Constitutionally).

Moreover, the problem of measuring even seemingly objective qualities such as size is a fraught one.   The reporters quote the head of a teachers’ union as stating:

The rules about religious attire will impose a burden on school principals. He said they evoke the days when principals went around measuring the length of students’ skirts to ensure they met school rules.

“They will have to make sure: Are these earrings too big? Is that ring too big? This is wasted energy.”

(H/T Sonia Lawrence)

Op-Ed in LA Times on School Dress Codes

Today’s LA Times includes my op-ed  “School Dress Codes: Miniskirt Madness” arguing that “School districts should focus more on educating students and less on enforcing seemingly arbitrary dress rules.”

Of course, it’s not just miniskirts.  After reading the op-ed for other examples, also look for our recent posts on leggings, a seven year old’s “dreadlocks,”  breast-cancer awareness braceletsmale cosmetics, the continuing controversy over confederate flags,  the Second Amendment,  and religious clothing, not to mention problems at graduation for students as well as parents.

And for even more, see Dressing Constitutionally.

 

 

 

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Charter School Hairstyles

Another charter school has decided that a student’s hairstyle is unacceptable.

As reported, the Deborah Brown Community School in Tulsa objected to a seven year old’s hairstyle described as “dreadlocks.”  The school seems to have a policy banning “faddish” hairstyles.  The child seems to have changed schools.

As a constitutional matter, the threshold issue is whether or not the charter school is sufficiently public to be deemed a “state actor” and thus be bound by our constitutional principles of equal protection and liberty, even for school children.

As a nonconstitutional matter, parents and other policy makers can bring pressure to bear on a private school in some of the same ways as they can bring pressure on elected school board officials.